United Russia dominates district electoral commissions, where most electoral fraud originates

The Movement in Defence of Voters´ Rights "Golos" has published a report detailing who holds control over the precinct electoral commissions (PECs) across Russian regions. REM provides insights into the key findings of this report, emphasizing its significance as we approach the 2023 elections and, notably, the 2024 presidential elections.

Main Conclusion of the Report

United Russia (UR) predominantly oversees the overwhelming majority of PECs in most Russian regions, either directly or indirectly. Opposition representatives are seldom part of these commissions' leadership. Remarkably, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), despite being the strongest opposition party, seems to lag behind in this aspect.

Why is This Significant?

Every Russian election observer recognizes that the most common violations of electoral law - ranging from ballot stuffing and “carousel voting” to pressuring public sector employees and bribing (opportunistic) voters - primarily take place at PECs. The integrity, transparency, and lawful conduct of these commissions are deeply influenced by who holds their reins. PECs under the supervision of the ruling party's representatives are more susceptible to irregularities than those dominated by the opposition, particularly the CPRF. With recent legislative restrictions placed on independent observers (we covered this here), the role of PECs has become even more pivotal. Monitoring their actions has grown increasingly vital for both the current administration and the opposition.

How is a PEC Organized?

Each precinct electoral commission comprises representatives from various political parties, who nominate their members to serve on the PECs. These members can be sourced from "electoral assemblies based on place of employment", local councils (municipal parliaments), and "electoral assemblies based on residence".

The PEC's chairperson is appointed by a superior commission. In contrast, the deputy chairperson and the commission secretary are elected by the PEC members themselves. Together, these three individuals constitute the PEC's "leadership triangle". They are responsible for overseeing the PEC's activities, endorsing official documents, coordinating with higher commissions, and overseeing (either facilitating or complicating) the work of observers, media, and police at the polling station. The control of this "leadership triangle" fundamentally determines the electoral proceedings at that specific precinct. After analyzing the makeup of PECs throughout Russia, experts from "Golos" have deduced that a significant majority of these leadership groups operate under the influence of the ruling party.

Key Findings

United Russia representatives occupy the role of Commission Chairperson in 40% of PECs nationwide. This distribution aligns with expectations, given that UR is the prevailing party in most regions. Not only do its members frequently assume gubernatorial roles, but they also often constitute the majority in regional parliaments.

Yet, a mere 40% representation seems not to be enough for the governing party. Consequently, an additional estimated 40% of PEC chairpersons have affiliations with UR, bringing the cumulative influence to 80%. And this is how it happens: the unchecked use of administrative resources results in the fact that members from electoral assemblies, whether based on place of employment or residence, as well as those from municipal parliaments, often have ties to United Russia. In certain regions, UR's direct influence extends to more than half of the commissions, occasionally even surpassing 90%. “Direct” means in this context without the "additions" of UR-affiliates from "electoral assemblies." Only in five regions^[1] do UR representatives lead fewer than 10% of commissions.

The remaining 20% of PEC chairperson roles are scattered among various political parties. Despite being the second-largest party in many regions, the CPRF finds itself more sidelined than its three counterparts. They secure the PEC chairmanship in a scant 2% of all commissions, with their peak representation being 10% in Zabaykalsky Krai. The representation of other parliamentary parties, such as Just Russia (JR), the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), and New People (NP), is similarly limited, each holding a maximum of 3% of PEC chairperson roles.

As the second most influential figure within the PEC, the Deputy Chairperson is primarily responsible for drafting and formalizing electoral protocols, which capture the official election results at the precinct level. United Russia aims to fill the deputy roles, especially in regions where they might be lacking chairpersons for various reasons - a situation that might be a result of administrative tactics. Regions with a limited number of UR chairpersons often see a higher representation of UR deputies: Tver Oblast (27%), Ivanovo Oblast (21%), Lipetsk Oblast (18%), and Rostov Oblast (18%).

Other parties have a broader representation in this role: JR delegates hold over 10% of deputy roles in 36 regions, LDPR in 20, and NP in 8. Despite its notable presence in parliaments across various tiers, the CPRF lags behind. In only 10 regions do its members hold more than 10% of the deputy roles in PECs.

If UR representatives don't secure the roles of chairperson or deputy, they frequently assume the position of PEC Secretary, the final tier in the PEC hierarchy. United Russia claims secretary roles in more than 10% of commissions across 49 regions, which represents over half of all regions in the country. Other parties jostle for the leftover positions: JR takes the lead in 36 regions, trailed by LDPR in 17 regions and NP in 13. The CPRF, in a recurring pattern, rounds off the list, securing over 10% of PEC secretary roles in a mere five regions.

For detailed charts from "Golos", refer to the study's Russian edition.

^[1] According to official Russian sources, Russia comprises 89 regions. These include annexed territories of Ukraine – Crimea and Sevastopol, the Luhansk and Donetsk "people's republics", and the Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions.